In every election, and indeed in every possible voter education programme, there are special groups who require particular attention. There are certain groups that have emerged with some frequency. These groups include:
- election staff
- voters abroad
- absentee voters
- refugees and internally displaced persons
- nomads and migrants
- voters in remote areas
- minorities
- disabled people
- home and hospital bound voters
- traditional prisoners
- political prisoners
- security forces
- women
- young and first time voters
Their listing here should not blind educators to the possibility that there might be other groups that require special attention. These groups will vary from country to country. As societies become more atomised by progress, and more conscious of the special needs and human rights of groups as opposed to individuals, it is likely that more groups will be identified.
In transitional circumstances, the interests of certain groups will be identified more closely, and these groups will merit special attention during elections. The rule of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, for example, resulted in large numbers of 'emigre' Cambodians who had to be accommodated in elections supervised by the United Nations. In the case of Bosnia, the Dayton Accords required that refugees and internally displace persons by accomodated in elections organized by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. The founding democratic elections in South Africa were deemed to be fully inclusive, and arrangements had to be made for a diaspora of South Africans throughout the world. In long-standing democracies, declining voter turn out by young people special educational and motivational programmes aimed at youth.
Voter educators will not want to take for granted the traditional and visible ways in which societies function if they wish to extend democratic rights to all citizens. Apart from the hegemonies established by particular groups of citizens through language, culture, and the manipulation of power, adequate education usually requires special nuances and a sophisticated
approach to individuals. The more of these nuances that are discovered and made visible the better.
Election Staff
Poll worker and election commission staffs can be a real asset to any voter education programme. This groups has the advantage of being clearly identifiable, willing to attend training events, available prior to and, if records are kept, subsequent to an election, and highly motivated, even if in some cases the motivation may be pecuniary. By providing poll worker and election official training that incorporates a component dealing with voter education, poll workers and election commissioners can become a potential informal education pool (see Role of Election Officials). At the same time, poll workers and election officials in many developing and transitional societies may be overburdened and underappreciated. As such, educators may need to guard against unrealistic expectations.
Because of the duties that poll workers and election officials perform, however, some attention also has to be given to special information about when and how they can vote that may be different from that given to the general electorate. While a small task, it should not be overlooked as it will impact on the confidence with which they speak about the election. It will also reduce their own insecurities which can be magnified as pressures on them increase.
Voters Abroad
The number of voters who will be out of the country on Election Day will vary depending on the particular country and election. Also, there is likely to be legislation that defines who is eligible to vote abroad, under what circustances, and how and where they can cast ballots. This group may include those who are outside of the country as a result of diplomatic service, vacation, or business. It may may also include those who temporarily live abroad but who retain a citizenship and permanent residency in their home country. It may even include those who have never lived in the home country but have citizenship by some historic right. In the majority of these cases, those who want to vote will need to communicate their intention to the national election authority or some other statutory body. Plans can be made to deliver information or educational materiasl to them. This information will clearly need to be distinct from that provided to resident voters and as polling site locations, hours of voting, and methods of casting ballots may all be necessary. Voting early or by mail may also be an option.
Absentee and Early Voting
For persons who will be in the country proximate to the election, but not on Election Day, other arrangements may be available. This often affects persons who may be on the road or abroad due to business or vacation. For some elections, such as presidential elections, it may include persons who will not be in the precinct where they are registered to vote on Election Day. Two of the most common options for dealing with such groups are absentee voting and early voting. Absentee voting occurs on the basis of a request to the appropriate election authority. Ballots are subsequently sent to the voter by mail, marked, and then returned by mail. In the case of early voting, voters may go to their polling site or a higher level election office to cast their ballot(s). A few countries have also allowed voters who will not be in their precinct on election day for presidential elections to obtain a certificate that would allow them to vote in another precinct. Clearly, all of these special voting services have their own unique procedures and requirements that will need to be communicated to voters in question.
Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons
By far the largest and most difficult groups of voters out of the country or their voting precinct or district are likely to be refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). Refugees and IDPs are often displaced by war, civil strive, or environmental turmoil. This raises such problems as loss of identity and voter registration documents and records, the inability to vote where registered, and access to alternative polling stations. For legislative and local elections, the application of general rather than universal suffrage may also present problems of representation. The countries of former Yugoslavia and the Caucuses provide just a few examples where special voting arrangements need to be made and where targeted voter education programmes were required for refugees in neighboring countries and for IDPs.
Where displacement has also resulted in the crossing of national borders, the problems increase exponentially. Where elections are the result of political settlements, there may be a programme for the repatriation of refugees prior to the elections as there was in Mozambique. If repatriation can take place in advance of the election date, it may be possible to prepare voter education programmes in country. But those who have been refugees for some time, or as the result of
substantial upheaval and war, may still require special attention. Programme information is contained in Communicating with Exiles, Refugees, and Internally Displaced Persons.
Nomads and Migrants
National, regional, and municipal elections are generally assumed to be about selection of representatives for a particular geographic area. Yet, there are still people who travel, and as a result of this travel, have interests in more than one locality; or who cannot be assigned to a particular voting district much less precinct. These nomadic and migrant people--whether their lifestyle is considered to be forced upon them by economic, political or climatic reasons, or simply chosen--pose a serious challenge (though idealistically by no means a threat) to concepts of democracy.
And they also pose a serious challenge to educators. For the most part, the societies they create and within which they establish their own leadership patterns, are relatively closed to outsiders. In addition, their interests may be such that they have excluded themselves or have been excluded from the general political discourse. Programme information for this group and voters in remote areas can be found in Reaching Nomads and Isolated Groups.
Voters in Remote Areas
In some countries, there are also likely to be voters in remote areas. These areas may be nearly impossible to reach by most forms of transportation, may have extremely limited access to mass media, and virtually no interaction with other communities. In the United States, such communities can be found in Alaska, while in the country of Georgia, they can be found along the Caucuses mountain chain. Despite their remoteness, there will be opportunities, however limited, to reach these communities. Advance planning and coordination will be required. Election materials will need to be delivered to these communities at some point and, in all likelihood, there will be government sponsored flights in and out of the area to transport food and other provisions and to move people. If helicopter flights are scheduled, arrangements can be made to ensure that voter education materials are delivered. Reaching Nomads and Isolated Groups provides programme information.
Minorities
Societies usually are not homogenous. Most countries have self-defined ethnic, linguistic, or cultural minorities. Because these groups are minorities, there have likely been past mindsets and practices aimed at marginalising them, often leading to distinctive and oppressive treatment. With disempowerment comes introspection and apparent apathy. And with isolation from the dominant culture comes a set of cultural and linguistic norms that make it hard to prepare educational programmes unless due account is taken of these as well as the power relations that apply in their interactions with the majority.
There may even be resistance to educational programmes that appear designed to assimilate groups or undermine the cohesion of these groups. And some minorities may even find democracy itself to be a threat. Managing these alienations from the democratic process is not a task for voter educators alone. It is often a major challenge for those involved in civic education and those engaged in developing democratic and human rights institutions.
The Disabled
In an increasing number of countries specially challenged people and those with disabilities are organising themselves. This is particularly true in democratic societies where it is possible to mobilise for the purposes of gaining access to state and private sector resources. With an imperative to enable all people to participate in elections, election officials and voter educators need to undertake efforts to ensure that disabled people are neither disenfranchised nor ill-informed.
It may well be that the most important interventions in this regard are not primarily about education for the disabled. Structural and infra-structural sensitivity, the development of voting methods and access to voting stations, and the training and education of officials and able-bodied citizens are all essential.
But if there are voter education programmes for the able-bodied, then these need to be replicated for those who are not. There are a range of special methods and techniques required that are discussed in Ensuring the Participation of Shut-Ins and the Disabled. Most important may be demographic information and the cooperation of institutions and associations working with the disabled are required.
Home and Hospital Bound Voters
Inevitably, there will be voters who are too frail or ill to come to the polls on Election Day. Depending upon election law and practice, arrangements may be made for the homebound or for patients in hospitals, nursing homes, or rehabilitation centers to vote. Special polling places may be established or they may be permitted to vote absentee or by use of a mobile ballot box. To accomodate their needs, there are likely to by some modifications to the voting process as well as specific procedures to request special voting services. These will need to be addressed through the voter education programme.
Traditional Prisoners
Prisoners lose their liberty once they are convicted by a court of law to a custodial sentence. They do not, however, always lose their citizenship. In some countries, sentencing may even include a determination of whether civic rights are withdrawn or not for the duration of the custodial sentence. In other countries, it is assumed that with the loss of liberty goes the loss of those things that require freedom of movement. Voting may be one of them.
The increasing use of detention for people awaiting trial, and not yet convicted of any crime, the extensive use of non-custodial sentences, through which one person convicted may be able to vote and another in custody for a similar offence not suggests that more attention should be given to this segment of the population.
This is particularly the case in societies that believe that prison is intended to both punish and rehabilitate. Prisoners leave prison all the time and return to normal society. Whether they do this after short or long sentences, they require information and education that will enable them to participate more constructively in society. This includes taking part in elections. Consequently, some thought has to be given to civic and voter education of prisoners whether or not decisions are made to allow them to vote. Such a programme imposes special challenges that are discussed in Dealing with Prisoners and Education In Closed Institutions.
Political Prisoners
In some developing countries and transitional societies, there may be another use for prisons, ie. to detain political opponents and social dissidents. Whether still in prison, or released as the result of some sort of negotiated or imposed settlement, amnesty, or pardon this group will have special needs and face special challenges re-integrating into society and political life, including constructive participation in politics by voting and other means. If political prisoners do not engage in the process, the legitimacy of the election or the resulting government could well be undermined. These issues will need to be addressed with special care and sensitivy through voter and civic education programmes.
Security Forces
In societies that have been involved in civil strife or internal repression, citizens who comprise the military and/or police forces are often compromised and isolated. In situations such as these, special efforts have to be made at demobilisation and rehabilitation. Once again, education will have to be directed both at those in the security forces and those outside.
But there are other demands that occur even in consolidated democracies. Soldiers are posted to foreign or isolated bases; these bases are closed to general civic influences for security and control reasons; and soldiers in particular can be susceptible to threat and intimidation. In some societies with militarised police forces similar concerns apply.
In addition, uniformed services that involve the use of force, whether for rebellion and resistance or for the legitimate or illegitimate exercise of state authority quickly develop a language, pace of life, and culture of their own. These concerns need to be taken into account when developing educational programmes (see Approaching Military and Police Forces and Education In Closed Institutions). And such educational programmes are important because these forces can either be a guarantor of election security and successful transition of power, or a major stumbling block to it.
Women
It is no longer acceptable for a country to establish democratic systems and elections without enfranchising women. Enfranchisement, however, did not come without a struggle. And legal enfranchisement is one thing, but being able to participate fully in civic affairs and to vote in elections is entirely another. While women form the majority in many countries, they are often under-represented in political life.
Education alone will not change this. But it is possible and often necessary to develop educational programmes that take particular account of the cultural and economic barriers to participation and advancement that affect women. For examples of materials that have been designed to meet the educational and information needs of women throughout the world.
Where these barriers coincide with minority membership, poverty and geographic dispersal, they form a high wall that must be climbed or broken down.
Young and First Time Voters
At every election there are new voters amongst those who reach voting age. Programmes in schools that encourage civic participation and electoral competence and ultimately go some way towards motivating young people to vote. But supplementary voter education programmes need to be developed that reflect the youth culture. This is particularly true in developing countries and transitional societies where the youth cohort is substantial and where young people are often mobilised in support of one or another political party which may not necessarily have the best interests of those young people in mind.
While young people reaching the legally mandated voting age may constitute significant percentage of first time voters, there are other groups that need to be taken into account. These may include newly enfranchised voters (who may constitute some of the groups such as minorities or women), new citizens, or even some other segment of the population that has been traditionally apathetic but that has been mobilized and energized by a particular registration drive, social issue, or political party, campaign, or candidate.
Any citizen voting for the first time in elections will likely have less information about his or her rights and about how the process works. First time voters may even find some aspects of the registration and voting process particularly bureaucratic and perhaps even indimidating. Educators must identify the information needs and possibly the fears of this group to ensure that these can be overcome and that this group does not opt out of the process.
